Starmer’s hawkish foreign policy stance has caused him problems with his own base. A poorly-worded response after Hamas’ October 7 attacks, in which he suggested Israel had the right to withhold power and water in Gaza, badly damaged relations with Muslim and pro-Palestinian voters. He later clarified his remarks and has since called for a sustainable ceasefire.
Aides now strive to get the more relaxed, human Starmer they see in private across to the public. Last week he launched his “first steps” for government — a pledge card reminiscent of the 1997 election, which Labour won by a landslide — with his shirt sleeves rolled up, a more confident speaking style on display.
But on policy, the finer details are yet to be etched in. His six “first steps” were merely a narrow selection of vague pledges taken from broader “missions” on the economy, energy, the National Health Service, crime and opportunity. Once-radical policies on green investment and constitutional reform have been watered down, even before Labour enters government. Unions fear a bold set of proposals to boost workers’ rights will also be weakened before they are ever written into law.
Building on the green belt
This is partly natural caution from a party which has suffered four successive election defeats. Wounds from the 2010 election — when the Labour government was blamed by Tories (and voters) for the recent economic crisis — still cut deep. Starmer has not ruled out future tax rises under Labour, a fact seized upon by the Conservatives. Without them, his room to improve public services will be severely constrained.
But in other areas, Starmer’s supporters believe he shows a quiet radicalism. He has promised 1.5 million new homes over five years, including on the green belt — a contentious local issue that will swallow some of his capital with affluent voters. A pledge to decarbonize Britain’s entire power network by 2030 is so bold it looks almost impossible to meet.
With Downing Street now almost in reach, Starmer has successfully united the majority of his once-fractious party behind him. He speaks privately to both living Labour ex-PMs, Tony Blair and Gordon Brown. Neither get everything they want, with Blair pushing new technology like AI and Brown calling for Starmer to be more generous on welfare benefits.
The coming weeks may sharpen the edges of Starmer’s politics, just as — if he wins — the avalanche of structural problems facing the U.K. will test his balancing act between caution today and vision tomorrow.
But for now, his campaign message is simple — that it’s time for change, after 14 years of Tory “chaos.” The polls suggest that simple message alone may be enough to see him into Downing Street in July.
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